Chakmas, The the largest ethnic group of Bangladesh. They also call
themselves Changmas. They are concentrated in the central and northern
parts of the chittagong hill tracts where they live amidst several
other ethnic groups. Exact population figures are lacking but the most
reliable estimates put their number at 140,000 in 1956 and 230,000 in
1981. According to the 1991 population census, there were about
253,000 Chakmas. More than 90 percent of them are concentrated in
rangamati and khagrachhari districts. About 100,000 Chakmas also live
in India, particularly in the states of Arunachal, Mizoram and
Tripura. Small groups have settled in other countries as well. The
first written reference to Chakmas of the Chittagong Hill Tracts dates
from about 1550 AD when the Portuguese map maker Lavanha indicated on
the earliest surviving map of Bengal that Chakmas lived in a
settlement on the karnafuli river. Two main theories have been put
forward about the earlier history of Chakmas. Both assume that they
migrated to their present homeland. The most convincing theory links
Chakmas with central Myanmar and arakan, and with groups such as the
Sak (Chak, Thek) who live in the Chittagong hills and Arakan. The
other theory, for which historical
evidence is lacking, assumes that Chakmas migrated to
the Chittagong hills from Champaknagar in northern India. In the late
eighteenth century, Chakmas were found not only in the Chittagong
Hill Tracts but also in other hilly areas of the present-day districts
of chittagong and cox’s bazar. It was only after the annexation of
the Chittagong Hill Tracts by the British (1860) and the promulgation
of rules, which forbade hill agriculture (jhum, shifting cultivation)
in Chittagong district that these Chakma cultivators (and other hill
cultivators such as the marma) moved east to the Chittagong Hill
Tracts. In the precolonial period, the Chittagong Hill Tracts had not
been part of any state, although they had long been influenced by the
waxing and waning of power centres in Tripura (to the north), Arakan
(to the south) and Bengal (to the west). In the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries, the Mughal empire collected tribute (cotton)
from the area through local intermediaries. One of the most prominent
of these intermediaries was the Chakma chief residing in an elevated
landmass in the Karnafuli river channel. His family had considerable
landholdings in the plains of Chittagong, ie, inside Mughal territory,
and resided in rangunia. When the British took control of the plains
in the mid-eighteenth century, they continued the arrangement, and
when they annexed the Chittagong hills a century later, they made the
Chakma chief responsible for tax collection in the central region of
the new possession. Two other chiefs were made responsible for the
southern part (the Bohmong chief) and the northern part (the Mong
chief). The Chakma chief, now a colonial grandee endowed with the
personal title of raja and some of the trappings of indirect rule,
moved to Rangamati, the capital of the new district which the British
named Chittagong Hill Tracts. The colonial tax system also gave new
powers to old functionaries at the local level (talukdar, dewan,
khisa) which came to form the Chakma gentry. The Chittagong Hill
Tracts Regulation of 1900 formalised this system and also stressed the
fact that the area, though administered from calcutta, was not a
regular part of Bengal. Its administrative system, land rights, and
closure to outside settlers all set it apart from the rest of Bengal.
This status was reconfirmed in the 1930s, when the region was declared
an excluded area under the Government of India Act. After
decolonisation (1947), the Chittagong Hill Tracts were incorporated
into East Pakistan and later (1971) Bangladesh. The special
administrative status of the Chittagong Hill Tracts was continued, and
the Regulation of 1900 was never clearly rescinded, despite piecemeal
mutations. For this reason, the office of the Chakma (and Bohmong and
Mong) chief survives till today. In 1906, a hydroelectric project was
proposed to be built, using the flow of the water in the Karnafuli
river. But it was not until the 1950s that the plan took shape and a
large hydroelectric project was commissioned at kaptai, a riverside
village close to Rangamati. When the Kaptai dam was completed in 1960,
a big lake formed in the Karnafuli valley, flooding many villages and
leading to the great exodus (or Bara Parang, as the Chakmas call it).
About 100,000 people are thought to have fled the waters, most of
them Chakmas. Many settled elsewhere in the district, including
reserved forest areas, but in 1964, tens of thousands sought refuge in
India. Chakmas felt that their grievances were not taken seriously by
the authorities, first in Pakistan and then in Bangladesh. This led
to an armed conflict between the PCJSS (Parbatya Chattagram Jana
Sanghati Samiti, or United People’s Party of the Chittagong Hill
Tracts) founded in 1972, and the Bangladesh armed forces. The PCJSS,
led mainly by Chakmas, signed a peace agreement with the Bangladesh
government in 1997. Traditionally, the Chakma lifestyle was closely
linked with hill agriculture or shifting cultivation (jum in Chakma and
jhum in Bengali). Living in settled villages, they would cultivate
plots on surrounding hills for some years, then leave them fallow to
recuperate naturally. Chakmas also cultivated land in river valleys.
They had a well-developed system of land rights, which differed sharply
from those in the plains (see land tenure). According to early
observers, the living standard of cultivators in the Chittagong hills
was relatively high. rice, cotton and vegetables were important crops.
The bamboo was essential as building material. The bamboo had so many
other uses that the Chakma lifestyle has been described as a ‘bamboo
civilisation’. In the colonial period, social differentiation grew as
an elite developed, basing its lifestyle on a share of the government
tax and on educational achievements. In the twentieth century,
population growth made hill cultivation more problematic mainly because
fallow periods had to be shortened – and more Chakmas had to find
non-agricultural jobs. Their problem was intensified by the government
policy of transmigration. From the late 1970s, hundreds of thousands
of poor Bengali lowland cultivators were brought to the Chittagong
hills under military protection. Land scarcity increased sharply, and
Chakmas (and other hill people) saw their lifestyle threatened
further. Many were forced into low-income wage labour (e.g. on new
rubber plantations); over 50,000 fled their country and lived on doles
in refugee camps in Tripura (India) from 1986 till their repatriation
in 1998.Chakmas distinguish themselves from surrounding groups by
their language. Although there are indications that Chakmas used to
speak a Tibeto-Burman language, their present language is
Indo-European. It is closely related in structure to Chittagonian
Bengali from which it differs by a distinct vocabulary. Most Chakmas
are bilingual and speak Chakma and Bengali; many know other regional
languages as well. The Chakma language has its own script, although
today this is not commonly used and Chakma is now usually written in
Bengali letters. Chakma literature runs from the oral traditions of
the gengkhuli singers through literary periodicals (the first of which
was Goirika started in 1936) to modern poetry. Another modern art
form in which Chakmas made their mark is painting. The vast majority
of Chakmas are Buddhists, and they form the largest Buddhist
population in Bangladesh. Integrated in their Buddhist practice are
older religious elements, such as worship of the powers of nature. One
of their annual highlights is the Bizu festival held in Chaitra, the
last month of the Bengali year. Culturally, the Chakmas are in many
ways more Southeast Asian than South Asian. They know neither the
dietary restrictions nor the strict gender segregation of their
Bengali neighbours.
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